9.3 The Final Research Propositions and Hypotheses for Testing
This work began with nine provisional propositions, moving from simple propositions through
to those which require substantial testing of major assumptions (for example about the structure of society), and thence
to the most speculative propositions concerning belief.
The first step is to confirm, change or add to the initial set of propositions, and then 'produce a series of testable hypotheses which, if verified against independent empirical data, would tend to verify the proposition.' (Binford 1968, 17).
Examination of the original propositions in absolute terms
Propositions 1 and 2 are relatively straightforward and could stand as they are. In the case of Proposition 4, the
term 'elite class' may be ambiguous. The most usual interpretation of 'elite class' is one denoting a dominant,
coercive, and ruling force (a socio-economic leadership that holds and controls society resources). Interpreted as such
the proposition could stand, but it must follow that in Proposition 3 the term 'segments' implies testing not just for
the existence of other classes in the socio-economic sense, but for the presence of role-holders of status and influence
but without coercive power who are an elite in the general ranking sense. With these glosses on interpretation,
Propositions 3-5 could stand with some clarification by rephrasing.
Propositions 6 and 7 enter into the territory of thought and belief. Proposition 6 now appears too loosely worded.
Its original purpose was to posit that societal structure was subject to change, and that disposal rites formed one
opportunity of recognising such change; also that disposal evidence might show development and change in society's
concepts of an otherworld and an afterlife. These are distinctly different propositions, the second being already
covered in part by Proposition 7. To remain, they need clarification.
Proposition 8 is also loosely worded as it stands. Its original purpose was to suggest that the period of some 4300
calendar years exhibited through time a complex and possibly changing structure of beliefs and attitudes to death and
life circumstances expressed through the disposal processes used, with possible differences in the geographical regions
under study. This was not to suggest that there might also be some underlying structures of belief, attitudes and
practice of greater durability. Proposition 9, however, is relatively straightforward in the same sense as Propositions
1 and 2.
Examination of the original propositions in relative terms: the wider research context
The original propositions were constructed at the outset of research as foci of initial interest, and as important
guides to the nature of data to be assembled with which to test hypotheses on which they might depend. Much
archaeological and anthropological data has since been gathered, and used to assist the construction of Figure 9.3-1
which provides the methodological framework for this section.
Figure 9.3-1: The relationship of disposal data, evidence and theory to purpose and thence to major
behavioural contexts
Figure 9.3-1 provides an inter-relational framework for disposal practice and the behavioural foci of society. This
framework was not available at the outset, but can now be used in a broad context to influence composition of the final
propositions - the 'high-probability statements covering a broad range of phenomena' which Binford advocated as
science's aim. The final propositions are grouped under the four behavioural foci.
Propositions concerning present community oriented behaviour
that a variety of means of disposal of the dead existed through prehistory (original 1).[Examine hypothesis]
the dead were disposed of by inhumation or cremation, might be set down in part or whole, and in containers
and locations of great variety, through prehistory
that excarnation may have been practised through much of prehistory (original 2).[Examine hypothesis]
some cremated or inhumed bone survives from every period through prehistory, not necessarily in large quantity,
which shows clear evidence of exposure to the elements prior to secondary disposal treatment
open areas of ground, trees, and open mortuary structures (houses, burial pits or platforms) were used to
support or contain defleshing corpses through prehistory
that 3rd millennium religious foci continued to be used into the second millennium, some developing into tribal
centres after hill forts had been built within them (original 9).[Examine hypothesis]
some 3rd millennium foci can be identified as 'religious'
some of these foci exhibit continuing use into the second millennium for similar purposes
some of these foci had hill forts built within them to house communities carrying out 'central place'
activities (that is resource control and exchange activities for a distinct locality)
that communal burial monuments*, and the significance of the location of individuals within them may have
reduced in occurrence and importance through prehistory.[Examine
hypothesis]
numbers of communal burial monuments reduce through prehistory. *A communal burial monument is defined as a location holding more than one burial, which may be used by the local
community over many centuries, sometimes at extended intervals: see Research Methods).
the locations of such monuments have less prominence in the landscape through prehistory
the occurrence of redesign and adaptation of such monuments becomes less frequent through prehistory
use of a monument as a disposal location for more than two consecutive periods declines progressively
through prehistory
the occurrence of unambiguous 'foundation burial deposits' followed by sequential complementary but usually
simpler depositions declines progressively through prehistory
that process connections may have existed between settlement activity and disposal activity through
prehistory.[Examine hypothesis]
ritual activity found at settlement locations bears resemblance to ritual activity at disposal locations
through prehistory
full disposal activity is found within settlement sites, akin to such activity on non-settlement disposal
sites, through prehistory
there is direct material evidence for use of complementary material such as domestic refuse or midden
material in transfer activities between disposal, settlement or midden sites, through prehistory
there are examples of settlement sites (such as a hut or house-like structure) covered by a disposal site in
each period
Propositions concerning status oriented behaviour
that the prehistoric population may have been segmented into groups and individuals with different statuses, and
these segments may have been disposed of according to distinct burial rites through much of prehistory (original 3
revised).[Examine hypothesis]
there are through prehistory distinctly different treatments of individuals or groups in terms of one, some
or all of these characteristics: location, disposal type (single, multiple similar or multiple varied), monument type,
container, disposal method, ritual activity, orientation, placing of deposit, grave goods associations, and death type
that it may be possible through prehistory to recognise the burial rite or rites afforded to an elite class,
defined as a dominant, coercive or ruling segment (original 4 revised).[Examine hypothesis]
the burial rite of an elite class through prehistory is recognisable through one or several of these
characteristics: particular treatment of the corpse(s), elaboration in container, excellence of accompanying goods,
apparent elaboration of ritual, or special setting in respect of locality, associated locations, and peripheral settings
that the burial rite or rites afforded to an elite class may have changed more rapidly than those of other
segments of the population through prehistory (original 5).[Examine hypothesis]
an elite class existed in all periods under review, but the frequency or detailed nature of the disposal
characteristics defining the elite rite under Proposition 7 vary considerably for that class among periods
that age and sex may not have determined disposal process significantly through prehistory.[Examine hypothesis]
the age and sex of the person does not appear to be reflected by any particular variation in disposal
characteristics or process through prehistory
Propositions concerning ancestral community oriented behaviour
that through prehistory society may have tended a community of ancestors, and may have had changing motivations
for such care dependent on concurrent changes in foci of belief.[Examine hypothesis]
group burial existed through prehistory
group burials show evidence through prehistory for continuous attention, through such devices as successive
burial at the same location, extension and redesign of monuments, use of monuments through successive periods, returning
to carry out further activity, removal and curation of bones or cremated material, and bone manipulation
traces of disposal process may be found in settlement areas through prehistory, in more domestic contexts
that the community of ancestors may have been conceived at times through prehistory as located in more than one
place (that is not simply in disposal locations, but in settlement locations and elsewhere).[Examine hypothesis]
disposals and other traces of disposal process may be found in concentrations in settlement and adjacent
areas such as middens through prehistory
consistently similar orientations of disposals or of monuments through prehistory indicate the direction in
which the community of ancestors lies
variations in the use of cremation and inhumation indicate different concepts about the location of
ancestors through prehistory]
Propositions concerning belief oriented behaviour
that beliefs in an otherworld may have existed through prehistory (original 7 revised).[Examine hypothesis]
that core belief in general may have focused through prehistory on the power of an otherworld to advance the
fertility and protection of the society, and of its crops and animal resources, both domestic and wild kinds
that belief in general may have moved through prehistory from using symbols from the celestial and natural
elements to one more anthropomorphic and animistic, but without changing in its essential focus on fertility and
prophylaxis
the use and manipulation of whole or part bodies in particular ways and contexts (such as liminal places)
was a device which may through prehistory have had several possible purposes in drawing powers from an otherworld,
including confusion or disabling of the departing soul, prevention of the return of the dead individual in some
threatening form and warding off other states of jeopardy
the extensive use of domestic refuse in ritual contexts through prehistory suggests a continuous
preoccupation with obtaining fertility from the supportive powers of an otherworld for the benefit of the community's
people and other natural resources
that beliefs may have existed through prehistory centring on concepts identified by studies as central to
disposal as a rite of passage such as liminality and separation (boundaries), transition, jeopardy, pollution, the soul
(existence, journeying, influencing, destiny), good and bad deaths, the power of the elements in disposal processes for
purposes of establishing order and reduction of disorder, use of symbols (through objects per se, or their
direction, location, drawing, shaping and colour), sexuality and fertility.[Examine hypothesis]
boundaries are emphasised in monument construction and in ritual acts through prehistory
primary and secondary disposal sites are frequently placed at a distance from the settlement requiring
physical transfer of remains through prehistory
disposal methods exhibit prolonged phases of activity through prehistory
some burials exhibit out of the ordinary treatment of the remains at one or more disposal stages, or are
disposed of in abnormal contexts compared with the majority treatment or location through prehistory
fire, earth, air (light) and water were used together or separately at many disposal sites in apparent
ritual contexts through prehistory
key parts of the skeleton representing particular powers of the soul or spirit of the dead person were
selected for special use both inside and outside the disposal site through prehistory
symbolism was in use in a wide variety of different forms in the disposal process and contexts through
prehistory
that these beliefs are exhibited in evidence from prehistoric contexts other than disposal contexts through
prehistory.[Examine hypothesis]
non-disposal contexts hold evidence through prehistory very similar to that for hypotheses supporting
Propositions 12 and 13
